POLITICS. TEACHING. OTHER QUESTIONABLE INTERESTS.
← Frontiers Simulations

Comparative politics · public opinion

EVERYONE SAYS DEMOCRACY.

Ask what support for democracy actually measures.
Follow the link from a judgment to a political choice.

A commission hears strong support for democracy and predicts that citizens will defend its institutions. You investigate that inference in fictional Bellmere. Two studies help you distinguish institutional support, democratic understanding and candidate choice, while showing why a convenient scale can lose important content. Follow linked respondents through exact comparisons, interpret a separate numerical exercise, and build a usable instrument within a twelve-slot budget. Then develop your own account in a new public-media case and design a comparison that could distinguish it from a rival. Your conclusions must respect legal powers, missing observations and the distance between hypothetical choices and actual votes.

Start here. No advance reading required. Learn from the simplified explanations, examples and research-word help inside the activity. The journal articles are optional follow-up.

Created by Yoav Duman
Self-contained inquiry for introductory students · No advance reading required · Work in class or across sessions; student completion time has not yet been measured.

Original manga-inspired civic scene with adult young people, campaign placards, city architecture and layered public debate; no real candidates or parties. Includes the Frontiers Simulations logo and creator credit.
Frontiers Simulations · Created by Yoav Duman

For class. For fun.

Choose the visible switch inside the app. For class: complete the source work, evidence activities, graph and table checks, written reasoning, transfer case and self-review, then save and submit as your instructor directs. For fun: browse every chapter, skip the forms, and print optional notes whenever you like. Switching modes preserves your work.

Follow the same respondent

Keep classification, approval, importance and choice separate. Inspect what changes within a stated comparison and what was never measured.

Build a usable instrument

Write every question, option and profile within twelve slots, defend coverage choices and check meaning in two contexts.

Design a discriminating test

Commit an unfamiliar account and rival, revise after evidence, and specify assigned factors, fallible beliefs and delayed outcomes.

A claim worth testing

The respondent file

Which part of the commission’s prediction is supported by these linked observations, and what process could connect them?

Reconstruct the contributions of both articles, state a provisional claim and predict evidence that would distinguish it from a credible rival. Work with fictional records, numerical displays and institutional constraints before opening later evidence. Keep, narrow, change, or suspend the claim with reasons; preserve your initial account and explain your revision.

Go further · Does the preferred policy change what looks democratic?

Extend the inquiry from what people mean to whether a political benefit changes their perception of the same institutional action.

Propose a comparison and competing predictions. This optional level explores a research question beyond the studies’ demonstrated findings; no invented result is presented as research evidence.

Research for everyone

Read the research. Follow the evidence.

No advance reading is required. These explanations introduce the research in everyday language for first-year students. Read them here or inside the simulation while working; the original articles and further reading are optional follow-up.

How the papers meet

Article A tests support for specific liberal democratic institutions. Article B measures understandings of democracy and relates them to ratings of randomized candidate features. Comparing them changes the questions one needs: a coherent support score cannot substitute for a democratic-status judgment or a choice under competing benefits. Their constructs overlap without being identical; neither study estimates the whole chain from citizen response to a party’s institutional action.

Article A / 2024 / 2025 issue

Conceptualizing and Measuring Support for Democracy: A New Approach

Christopher Claassen and 21 coauthors
Comparative Political Studies
58(6): 1171–1198 · DOI 10.1177/00104140241259458

A broad democracy question leaves institutional commitments unclear. This study tests concrete questions across 19 samples and develops a shorter scale of support for liberal democratic institutions. It also shows why institutional support, satisfaction with government performance, and comparable national scores require separate attention.

Explanation, evidence, and limits

In everyday terms: saying “I support democracy” can mean different things to different people. This study asks more concrete questions about elections, rights and limits on leaders to find out what people support.

Suppose a survey asks whether democracy is a good system. One respondent imagines competitive elections. Another imagines an elected majority able to carry out its program. Another imagines courts and journalists able to challenge that majority. They can all answer yes while disagreeing about a concrete institutional conflict. An attractive word can also invite agreement without much reflection. Claassen and colleagues therefore ask what a democracy-support question actually measures.

Their target is support for liberal democracy: elections together with freedoms, equal legal rights, and constraints on government power. Here liberal describes institutional protections, not a left-wing party or an American partisan identity. An executive is the president, prime minister, or government making and implementing decisions. Constraints allow other institutions, including courts and parliament, to examine and sometimes block those decisions. Winning an election does not remove these constraints.

The authors start from eight components in the V-Dem definition: expression, association, voting rights, elected decision-makers, fair elections, judicial oversight, legislative oversight, and equality before the law. Concrete items make a stated conflict observable. As a different-topic analogy, asking whether a music association is “fair” does not tell us whether its members support open auditions, equal appeal rights, or a jury elected by members. A useful measure names its institutional target rather than trusting the appealing label.

Study details · four evidence anchors

The study in four receipts

The question changes the measure
The battery asks about specific rights and institutional limits. A yes to a general democracy label does not answer each of these questions.
One commitment is an empirical question
Factor analysis tests whether answers fit together. Some institutions connect less consistently with the shared pattern; the authors do not assume every respondent endorses every component together.
A shorter scale has a coverage cost
The seven-item version improves how consistently answers fit together but omits support for elected decision-makers. A convenient score cannot capture every institutional issue.
A score is not an election result
The study validates a measure of institutional support. It does not follow these respondents into an election or demonstrate that a particular answer determines an individual vote.

Table 3 lists 19 samples fielded during 2022–23. Portugal and Taiwan use probability samples; most others use online quota samples, while Turkey uses stratified online recruitment. The main models are fitted separately for each sample.

The 17-item models use ordinal confirmatory factor analysis and include an orthogonal acquiescence factor to account for a tendency to agree with differently framed questions. One- and two-dimensional models fit similarly; the full unidimensional model satisfies all three reported fit thresholds in six samples.

The concise set contains FreeExp2, FreeAssc1, UniSuff1, FFElect2, JudCnstr2, LegCnstr1, and EqLaw1. It covers seven of eight institutional components and omits elected decision-makers. Cronbach’s alpha is generally acceptable, with Peru just below .70; item selection may make later retest reliability lower.

Note 8 explicitly discusses non-equivalence across languages, samples, and wording. The full scale does not establish even configural equivalence. Do not present country mean differences as a validated ranking. In the main analyses sample weights are not used; weighted checks are discussed in the supplement.

Replications: https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/ZVXV2K. Published-version PDF read in full; no correction located in checked publisher metadata and DOI searches on October 12, 2026 Seattle time.

How the researchers studied it

The researchers field 17 questions in 19 national samples. Most are online samples recruited using demographic targets rather than random selection from the population. They then use factor analysis: a statistical way to check whether answers to different questions move together as a common underlying commitment would predict. They compare a single commitment with separate electoral and liberal commitments.

They also investigate questions that do not fit the common pattern. Finally, they select seven questions that cover much of the concept while cohering more consistently. Testing a measure asks whether it captures the intended commitment; it does not itself test an election or make someone more committed.

How consistently answers fit together and coverage are different tests. Dropping an item can make answers move together more strongly while removing an important part of the concept. A within-context score may still be informative even when direct cross-country ranking is unjustified. Check how respondents interpret the item as well as how answers correlate.

What they found

A general commitment connects many answers, but particular institutions can have distinctive patterns. The shorter seven-question scale usually performs better than the full set as one combined measure. It leaves out elected decision-makers, whose questions did not fit consistently. Satisfaction with how democracy is working also differs from support for its institutions.

Where the claim stops

The samples and wording differ, and the study does not establish that national scores are directly comparable. Local conflict is a plausible interpretation of some unusual patterns, not a causal effect isolated by the surveys. The scale can improve diagnosis without revealing a person’s complete understanding or guaranteeing a vote.

Read Our Measurement Approach; Data and Research Design; Examining Item Heterogeneity; Deriving and Validating a Concise Battery; and note 8 on measurement equivalence.

Read first: Start with the explanation on this screen. Then check what was compared, what was found, and what remains uncertain. The journal article link is optional.

Free published-version PDF in the University of Glasgow repository · CC BY.

Article B / 2025

The Demand Side of Democratic Backsliding: How Divergent Understandings of Democracy Shape Political Choice

Natasha Wunsch, Marc S. Jacob, and Laurenz Derksen
British Journal of Political Science
55: e39, 1–22 · DOI 10.1017/S0007123424000711

A Polish hypothetical-profile experiment relates measured democratic understandings to responses to candidate features. Stronger liberal understanding accompanies stronger rejection of non-liberal positions, including own-party candidates. Generalized worldview matching is not supported. Stronger majoritarian understanding relates to support for non-liberal judicial positions but not the analogous public-media positions. Candidate attributes are randomized; understandings are not.

Explanation, evidence, and limits

In everyday terms: this study asks why people who say they support democracy may still prefer candidates who weaken its protections. It compares people’s views of democracy with their choices between fictional candidate descriptions.

Why can a candidate weakening democratic institutions win votes from people who say they support democracy? Democratic backsliding means gradual weakening of rights, competition, or government constraints; voting can continue during it. A familiar account focuses on tradeoffs: voters dislike the institutional action but prefer the candidate’s party or policy. Wunsch and colleagues add a question that this account can overlook. Do voters hold the same understanding of democracy and the same commitment to its liberal protections in the first place?

The authors measure three understandings. A liberal understanding emphasizes elections and equal rights protecting people from government abuse. Non-liberal here means restricting these rights or checks, not holding conservative policy views. A majoritarian understanding treats majority decisions as overriding minority objections in all circumstances. An authoritarian understanding treats public order and governing efficiency as reasons for restricting freedoms. These are continuous measures that can overlap within a person, not three fixed kinds of citizen. Majority decision-making itself is compatible with liberal democracy; the issue is whether a majority is entitled to remove its limits.

Two mechanisms could connect these understandings to choices. Strong liberal commitment might make institutional violations matter more in choosing a candidate. Alternatively, everyone might favor a candidate matching their own understanding, including voters with stronger authoritarian views. These predictions differ. Being relatively indifferent to a violation is not the same as wanting the violation; observing support for a candidate cannot decide which process produced it.

Study details · four evidence anchors

The study in four receipts

The study connects attitudes with a choice
Respondents’ understandings are measured separately from their repeated ratings of randomly varied candidate profiles. This distinguishes a belief about democracy from a response to a particular candidate.
The strongest result concerns liberal commitment
People with stronger liberal understandings give candidates’ democratic positions more weight and are more willing to reject non-liberal own-party profiles. This association persists with party and socioeconomic controls.
Tolerance need not be enthusiasm
The general idea of matching beliefs and candidates hypothesis is not supported. Stronger majoritarian understanding relates to more support for non-liberal judicial-appointment positions, but not the analogous public-media positions. Weak rejection, indifference, accepted cost, and positive demand remain different claims.
An intervention remains a new question
The study does not randomly change democratic understandings. Civic education is a proposed practical response, not an experimentally demonstrated cause of changed votes in this paper.

The main survey recruited 2,910 respondents July 12–August 12, 2021 through Inquiry. The preregistered analytic sample is 1,979. Respondents complete 12 paired choice tasks and rate 24 candidate profiles on a seven-point scale.

Seven candidate attributes are randomized, including two institutional attributes: judicial appointments and the role of public media. The authors code cross-party judicial selection and independent public reporting as liberal; alternative government or party-leader appointment positions and government-serving media positions represent non-liberal variations in this study.

Understandings use nine essential-to-democracy items, three each for liberal, majoritarian, and authoritarian orientations, with an ordered three-factor model. The constructs may covary and are not mutually exclusive categorical assignments of citizens.

Individual marginal component effects are estimated from each respondent’s candidate ratings, then regressed on measured understanding scores with party and socioeconomic controls. Randomization concerns candidate features, not citizens’ understandings. The study checks robustness, including alternative individual-effect estimation.

The main regression supports H1a on liberal commitment rather than H1b on generalized congruence. Majoritarian attitudes do have specific associations with judicial candidate positions; it would be inaccurate to claim that every non-liberal orientation has no behavioral relationship.

Replications: https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/AKYFQ3. Full publisher text and published PDF read; no correction located in checked metadata and DOI searches on October 12, 2026 Seattle time.

How the researchers studied it

In a Polish online survey, respondents complete twelve hypothetical elections, each with two randomly generated candidate profiles. Profiles include party, policies, age, gender, and statements about judicial appointments and public media. This conjoint experiment—varying several candidate features together—helps estimate how a feature affects a choice or rating while other features vary.

The study separately asks what respondents regard as essential to democracy. It links these measured understandings with the weight each person gives candidate features. The final analysis has 1,979 respondents after preregistered attention and speed exclusions. Random candidate descriptions make profile comparisons informative, but respondents’ democratic understandings were measured rather than assigned.

What they found

Stronger liberal understandings accompany stronger rejection of non-liberal candidate positions, including own-party candidates. The broader claim that every worldview consistently seeks matching candidates is not supported. This does not mean every narrower association disappears: stronger majoritarian understanding is associated with greater support for majoritarian or authoritarian judicial-appointment positions, but not the corresponding public-media positions. A generalized model can fail while an attribute-specific relationship survives. Party affiliation explains only a small portion of variation in measured understandings.

Where the claim stops

The choices are hypothetical and concern Poland in 2021. The study’s coding of judicial appointment positions is context-specific, not a universal verdict on every country’s appointment procedure. Because understandings were not randomized, their association with choice does not prove that a civic course changing attitudes would change actual votes.

Read From Understandings of Democracy to Support for Political Candidates; Research Design; Individual-level Understandings of Democracy and Candidate Preferences; and the conclusion.

Read first: Start with the explanation on this screen. Then check what was compared, what was found, and what remains uncertain. The journal article link is optional.

Open-access full text and PDF on the publisher page · CC BY.

Keep investigating.

Follow a question beyond the core pair, including a research synthesis from Annual Review of Political Science.

Further reading / 2020

Democracy in America? Partisanship, Polarization, and the Robustness of Support for Democracy in the United States

Matthew H. Graham and Milan W. Svolik
American Political Science Review
114(2): 392–409 · DOI 10.1017/S0003055420000052

This study investigates the partisan and policy price of rejecting candidates who violate democratic principles. A US candidate-choice experiment and evidence from Montana’s 2017 special election show why support in principle can weaken when defending it means accepting an unwanted political outcome. It gives the Bellmere tradeoff account a stronger empirical foundation.

Try this question: What comparison would show whether a voter recognizes a violation but accepts it to obtain a preferred policy?

Free author-hosted PDF; publisher access may vary.

Further reading / 2023 issue / 2022 online

Rationalizing Democracy: The Perceptual Bias and (Un)Democratic Behavior

Suthan Krishnarajan
American Political Science Review
117(2): 474–496 · DOI 10.1017/S0003055422000806

Citizens may change their judgment of what counts as democratic when a preferred policy is at stake. Survey experiments in the US and other democracies investigate this perceptual process. That differs from recognizing an action as undemocratic and accepting the cost: it changes the perception of the action itself.

Try this question: How would you separate a stable majority-centered understanding from a judgment that changes when the same action produces a preferred outcome?

Publisher abstract verified; full-text access may require an institutional subscription.

These recent articles connect a measurement problem with a political puzzle. Claassen and colleagues test a more concrete way to measure support for liberal democratic institutions; Wunsch and colleagues investigate how different democratic understandings relate to candidate choices. They are a complementary pairing rather than a head-to-head published dispute.

Open / print the complete reading guide ↗

Play. Teach. Keep your work.

Everything you need.

Launch in your browser, download a self-contained copy, or take the whole resource pack. No account or API key is needed.

Optional online saving keeps private drafts recoverable with your recovery key. A class submission requires a class code and your explicit consent.

Download all files · ZIP ↓

Read / print the packet online ↗ · Student guide online ↗ · Instructor guide online ↗ · File and saving notes ↗

Review and revision records

The earlier faculty-role reports are AI assessments prepared before publication. They are included as an assessment archive, rather than evidence of trials with recruited faculty or students.

Full faculty-role assessments · PDF ↗ · Faculty-led revision record · PDF ↗

Each complete ZIP contains this simulation, the three PDF guides, editable Word worksheet, printable HTML guides, poster, original artwork, all logo variants, source/configuration files, a portable backend, and the review archive. Journal articles are linked; journal PDFs are not bundled.

In the classroom

Give the finding room to develop.

Students reconstruct two studies, predict before opening records, and track which judgments belong to the same person. A structured instrument contains ten single questions and one two-slot candidate pair, covering four institutional domains and six distinct response targets. A second workspace turns an unfamiliar inquiry into a proposed study and course test, including assignment, separate measures and delayed outcomes. Conditional percentages and a new panel display require explicit denominators. Discussion can compare defended interpretations and lawful political choices. Instructor review assesses the reasoning; filled cells and keyed answers alone do not validate a survey or demonstrate learning.

Assess the connection from claim to predicted observation, the interpretation of a specific record, and the reason for retaining or revising after a challenge. Use a receipt from each article, a precise limitation, and a useful next test. The app offers feedback on fixed-choice questions; students’ written findings are drafts for review.

Progress saves on the current browser. Export a JSON progress file to restore your work later; download the text brief or print your record to save a PDF. Printing and downloading do not submit work to Canvas. Optional private online saving and consented class submission are available inside the app; follow your instructor’s directions for separate Canvas submission.

Open the instructor guide ↗